Lt. Gen. (Rtd) Adan K Mulata
By: Adan K Mulata
Worth Noting:
- The capture of Goma and South Kivu’s regional capital Bukavu, the M23 has signaled readiness to ‘march to Kinshasa’ to oust the Tshisekedi regime leading to uneasiness for all the states in the region. The DRC has chosen a hard stance against Rwanda and called the M23 a terrorist group.
- Uganda has deployed over a 1,000 extra soldiers into Bunia, the capital city of Ituri Province, DRC. Burundi which already has forces in Eastern DRC with risks of clashes with M23. The escalating tensions signifies serious security and humanitarian concerns for states but will also impact negatively on trade, movement of goods and services in the region.
The current March 23 Movement (M23) offensive in the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has placed several states in Africa’s Great Lakes Region on a trajectory of instability, war and potential destruction. Indeed, an intense flareup of this magnitude involving rebel groups in the Eastern DRC and neighbouring states has not been witnessed in the region for over two decades. According to the United Nations (UN), about 3,000 people have lost their lives, and nearly 2,880 injured during the current conflict triggered by the M23 capture of Eastern DRC City of Goma on 27th January 2025, posing multiplicity of risks and endangering the civilian population in the region.
This article underscores the need for peace initiatives and de-escalation of inter-state tension between Burundi, DRC, Rwanda and Uganda to look beyond the current M23 offensive into the complex web of historic events which form the structural causes of the protracted conflicts. First, are the deeply rooted effects of colonial legacy including arbitrary state boundaries and oppressive actions of Belgian authorities that saw the deliberate displacement of communities like Banyarwanda and Banyamulenge in the 1930s.
This involved largescale migration of Tutsis from both Rwanda and Burundi to Eastern DRC. Second, is the ‘Social Revolution’ (1959 – 1960) in the buildup to Rwanda’s independence where about 480,000 Tutsis fled from Rwanda with similar displacements taking place in the 1970s and 1990s.
Third, is the Rwanda genocide of 1994 where over 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed leading to further displacements and formation of ethnic based militia groups such as the contentious Forces Democratiques de Liberation du Rwanda (FDLR). Fourth, is the first Congo war, 1996 – 1997, between Rwanda and Congo formerly Zaire with the help from other African states and the second Congo war 1998 and 2002 which involved nine African countries from the region and approximately 25 armed groups, making it one of the largest wars in African history.
Additionally, the availability and increasing demand of precious minerals such as Cobalt, Lithium, Gold and Lead, has led to scramble for the mineral-rich regions in DRC, with private investors colluding with armed groups to secure and conduct illegal mining.
Cumulatively, the above resulted in the fragile nature of DRC; a weak state, unstable political environment, large swathes of ungoverned spaces, myriads of external players with over 20 countries operating in DRC’s territory, European mercenaries and existence of other negative forces. Further, the uncontrolled extraction of resources of the Congo by external powers using States in the region as conduits has exacerbated the situation leading to conflicts, mistrust and inter-state tension in the region.
The capture of Goma and South Kivu’s regional capital Bukavu, the M23 has signaled readiness to ‘march to Kinshasa’ to oust the Tshisekedi regime leading to uneasiness for all the states in the region. The DRC has chosen a hard stance against Rwanda and called the M23 a terrorist group. Uganda has deployed over a 1,000 extra soldiers into Bunia, the capital city of Ituri Province, DRC. Burundi which already has forces in Eastern DRC with risks of clashes with M23. The escalating tensions signifies serious security and humanitarian concerns for states but will also impact negatively on trade, movement of goods and services in the region.
Based on the above dynamics, there is evident risk of the region facing ‘a third Congo War’ if productive, concrete, non-coercive and diplomatic steps which emphasizes on an all-inclusive dialogue are not taken immediately. To this end, the robust actions by East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) Heads of States are pivotal, offering appropriate avenues using existing Africa’s continental structures to resolve the conflict.
The recently concluded joint EAC – SADC Summit of Heads of State and Government in Dar es Salaam Tanzania, 8th February 2025 made important decisions towards de-escalation of tensions and paths to peace for DRC. The conflicting parties should adhere to the Summit decisions as cessation of hostilities and ceasefire will prevent further deaths and allow the flow of humanitarian services; the Summit’s approach makes the process inclusive where all actors are involved, aims at peaceful resolution of the conflict using non-coercive means without victimizing key actors which helps to build trust and confidence between the conflicting parties for sustainable peace.
The DRC – M23 conflict offers many lessons for states in Africa to deal with structural concerns such as arbitrarily drawn colonial boundaries and cross border communities among others that cause conflicts and undermine the process of state building in the continent. The ‘use of guns’ where Africans-kill-Africans needs to end but rather peaceful and non-violent means to resolve conflicts and inter-state disputes using the African Union (AU) continental peace structures were of first resort. Drawing from the above lessons, can guns be silenced as envisaged in AU Agenda 2063? Can cross border communities be used to connect, promote peace and build bridges between states in Africa? There is a need for a delicate balance in the search for peace in Eastern DRC as there are other similar challenges across the continent which can benefit from the approaches to peaceful resolution of the conflict. Thus the ability to solve this conflict forms a critical test for Africa’s leadership and ‘African Peace and Security Architecture’ to help resolve conflicts using home grown solutions.
Lt. Gen. (Rtd) Adan K Mulata
Executive Chairman- Prospect Peace Institute of Africa (PPIA-AFRICA)
Email: info@ppiaafrica.org
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