By: Midmark Onsongo
Worth Noting:
- The 2008 xenophobic wave was not an isolated incident. In 2015, another surge of violence erupted, again targeting foreign nationals. This time, the violence was more organized, with several politicians accused of fanning the flames. For instance, Goodwill Zwelithini, the Zulu king, made remarks at a rally calling for immigrants to leave South Africa. His speech was followed by a series of attacks against African migrants. Though he later claimed his words were misunderstood, the damage was already done, as tensions boiled over.
- South African leaders have been accused of being slow to respond to this violence. Jacob Zuma, then-president, condemned the attacks but did little to address the underlying issues fueling the xenophobic sentiments.
The late Robert Gabriel Mugabe, former President of Zimbabwe, shared a striking critique of xenophobia in South Africa. He highlights a painful irony: while South Africans will tear down statues of colonial figures, symbolic of white domination, they won’t confront the legacy of living privilege or the structural issues that perpetuate inequality. Instead, they turn their frustrations on fellow Africans, particularly black immigrants, often with fatal consequences. Mugabe’s message forces us to consider why a country with such a bitter history of oppression seems to recycle that hate against its own African kin.
To understand the depth of this xenophobia, we must first address the complex history of South Africa, a nation scarred by decades of racial segregation under apartheid. The dismantling of apartheid in 1994 brought freedom, yet it also came with challenges. While political emancipation was achieved, economic disparities persisted. Many black South Africans, who had high hopes for rapid transformation under the African National Congress (ANC), found themselves trapped in poverty. Unemployment rates soared, especially in townships and informal settlements. The frustrations that came from unfulfilled promises of post-apartheid equality and wealth redistribution gave rise to anger, which, unfortunately, has often been misdirected. One of the most notorious periods of xenophobic violence erupted in 2008, with attacks aimed at African immigrants, particularly Zimbabweans, Somalis, Mozambicans, and Nigerians. These communities were seen as “stealing” jobs and resources, despite the economic contributions many of them made to the country. Foreign-owned shops were looted, businesses torched, and people beaten or even killed. The widespread violence painted a grim picture of a nation struggling with its own identity and misplaced aggression.
The 2008 xenophobic wave was not an isolated incident. In 2015, another surge of violence erupted, again targeting foreign nationals. This time, the violence was more organized, with several politicians accused of fanning the flames. For instance, Goodwill Zwelithini, the Zulu king, made remarks at a rally calling for immigrants to leave South Africa. His speech was followed by a series of attacks against African migrants. Though he later claimed his words were misunderstood, the damage was already done, as tensions boiled over.
South African leaders have been accused of being slow to respond to this violence. Jacob Zuma, then-president, condemned the attacks but did little to address the underlying issues fueling the xenophobic sentiments. The country’s high unemployment rate, which stood at nearly 27% in 2015, fed into a narrative that immigrants were competing for scarce jobs. However, research from the Southern African Migration Project shows that immigrants in South Africa are more likely to create jobs than to take them, with many running small businesses that provide goods and services in underserved areas. Yet, the perception remained: foreigners were the enemy.
This cycle of violence also exposes the deep wounds of colonialism. South Africa’s post-apartheid society struggles to reconcile its complex identity. The targeting of statues representing colonial figures, like Cecil Rhodes, points to the pain of historical oppression. The 2015 #RhodesMustFall movement, led by university students, was aimed at removing statues of Rhodes at the University of Cape Town. The protests gained international attention, symbolizing a broader reckoning with the legacy of white supremacy in South Africa. However, while the symbolic removal of statues was a powerful act of defiance, it failed to address the lived experience of economic and social inequality that persists in the country today.
Mugabe’s critique of this paradox goes even further. He calls out the seeming contradiction of South Africans attacking fellow black Africans while failing to address white privilege that remains entrenched in the country’s economy. South Africa’s wealth is still largely concentrated in the hands of a white minority, and racial inequalities in access to land, resources, and employment persist. Despite this, the violence continues to be directed at vulnerable African immigrants rather than tackling the more systemic issues that perpetuate inequality.
The impact of these xenophobic attacks reverberates beyond South Africa’s borders. Neighboring countries like Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Malawi, whose citizens have been victims of these attacks, have condemned the violence. The African Union, too, has called for unity and an end to xenophobia, recognizing that this internal strife undermines the broader goals of pan-Africanism—a movement championed by leaders like Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere, who sought to promote solidarity among African nations.
Despite the criticism from across the continent, xenophobia remains a persistent problem in South Africa. It has exposed the failure of the South African government to address economic inequality meaningfully. It also shows the deep-seated frustrations that many South Africans feel towards their government’s inability to deliver on the promises made during the anti-apartheid struggle. Instead of focusing their anger on systemic issues—like corruption, mismanagement of state resources, and the failure to provide basic services—many South Africans have directed their rage towards those they perceive as outsiders.
One of the most tragic consequences of this xenophobia is the erosion of African solidarity. The attacks not only damage South Africa’s relationship with its neighbors but also weaken the vision of a united Africa, where borders are softened, and economic collaboration thrives. In a globalized world, where migration is an essential feature of economic and social life, South Africa’s insularity and violence against African migrants hinder its potential to become a regional powerhouse.
If South Africa is to overcome its xenophobia, it must tackle the root causes: economic inequality, unemployment, and social discontent. The government must invest in education, job creation, and entrepreneurship, particularly for the youth, who make up a significant portion of the population and are often the most frustrated with the lack of opportunities. It must also address its racial inequalities, ensuring that black South Africans have equal access to land, jobs, and resources.
On a broader scale, African nations must work together to address migration and regional cooperation. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is one initiative that could help facilitate more significant movement of goods and people across borders, creating more opportunities for trade and economic growth. However, this requires political will and a commitment to African unity.
Mugabe’s words call attention to the tragic contradictions in South African society. While the country has made tremendous strides in dismantling apartheid, it continues to struggle with its legacy of inequality and injustice. The misdirected anger at African immigrants is a symptom of a deeper problem—one that will only be solved when South Africa addresses the structural inequalities that continue to divide its society. The fight against xenophobia, therefore, is not just a fight for migrants but a fight for the soul of South Africa itself.
This article was scripted by;
MIDMARK ONSONGO
(Sustainable economist, Geopolitics strategizer)
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